In my security essay, I argued that, while the United States had yet to adopt a definition of security that goes beyond mere protection of the state, in the 21st century, it will be essential for the international system and, in turn, the United States to adopt a foreign policy designed to secure, “peace, justice, human rights and human development,” as opposed just the protection of the state, not only to include more voices in the discussion of security issues, but to ensure that human beings feel secure in a world no longer characterized by external violent threats alone. (1)
While I agree with my original viewpoint that the concept of security needs to be broaden to include the security of the individual, I believe now that it would be most productive to conceptualize security as if it were on a spectrum. This may be that one end is traditional, national security with the state at the center of protection, and at the other end is human security, where individuals are at the center of protection. This spectrum may at other times have the hypermasculine, traditional military security on one end with total equity on the other end, with the feminist understanding of security in the middle of the two. (The feminist understanding of security is very much aligned with Ken Booth’s “Security as Emancipation,” and he actually draws on some critical feminist theorists to make this argument.)
No matter how each person designs his/her/their understanding of the security spectrum, all human-created threatening issues (regardless of whether or not everyone agrees that each specific issue should be defined a “security issue”) will exist on this spectrum. Most importantly: these issues can only b solved using BOTH types of security mechanisms that exist on this spectrum to solve each issue. Something that we have have yet to really explore in class is that security threats are never “solved” using only national security techniques or only human security techniques, but rather, the best way to approach such issues is to determine what mechanisms employed in each type of security are best suited to complement this one particular case. Thinking of human and national security as complementary understandings of security, as opposed to constantly at odds with each other is a much more productive way of speaking about security and may even allow scholars and policymakers to cease their unproductive bickering over how security should be “defined” and actually move on to what should be done about it.
Because this is in the abstract, I will provide the example of undocumented immigration into the United States as a the “security issue” and describe various ways it can be thought about using the spectrum system I just laid out. In this case I will assume the legal innocence of all undocumented immigrants, apart from the civil offense of crossing a border without documentation or overstaying a visa. (Note civil offense, not criminal offense.) I do this to narrow the security threats at play for the context of this brief post. National security is at play here because, at base level, some people living long term in the United States will not have documentation which could prevent them from paying some federal taxes. (For the record, most undocumented immigrants do pay federal tax because it “looks good” to the government if they ever find themselves in a deportation situation, or if they have citizen children and wish to apply for citizenship.) Human security is at play here because these individuals have literally no accessible place to live where they can feel safe. Going “home” (if they even describe their country as home) is often a death sentence due to immense poverty or violence. Coming to the United States means potentially constant discrimination and fear of deportation. Both national and human security tactics will need to be used to confront this issue.
Now, if someone one studies postcolonial theory views this scenario, he/she/they may have a different security spectrum that would lead them to ask questions like: why are their countries of origin so poor? Was this partly due to political, social or economic interference from a Western, whiter power? Does this Western, whiter power now have a moral responsibility to do something about this mass poverty and violence? If a feminist theorist were to view this situation, again the spectrum would change. He/she/they would ask questions like: Are the sexes of undocumented immigrants relatively equally represented? Are certain genders more stigmatized upon entering the country? Are immigrants to appear female more easily able to overstay visas or cross the border? Are immigrants who appear male subject to police brutality in higher proportions than either those who appear female or those who appear to have citizenship (white people, or people from areas with low levels of immigration)? It will be essential to realize that not one of these scholars will have the full answer to any one issue. But rather, all policymakers and scholars from various disciplines will need to incorporate their own understandings of security into a productive mechanism to eliminate the security threat.
(1) Quotation from Swedish Prime Minister, Stefan Löfven describing Feminist Foreign Policy, found in Cynthia Enloe, Cynthia H. Enloe, Globalization and Militarism: Feminists Make the Link (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007).